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Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s proposal to reoccupy all of the Gaza Strip has caused tensions with his defense establishment and with his allies in Washington.
Top Israel Defense Forces (IDF) leaders and the families of remaining Israeli hostages are trying to scuttle the re-occupation plan, arguing it will cause extensive IDF and Palestinian casualties and the death of the remaining hostages.
Opposed to expanded Israeli military action in Gaza, Trump officials are pressuring Netanyahu to accept war-ending governance and security arrangements he has rejected to date.
The re-occupation plan will undermine Israel’s efforts to mitigate the global isolation it is facing as a consequence of the severe humanitarian crisis in Gaza.
On Monday, amid stalled ceasefire negotiations with Hamas, Israeli officials told international media that Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu would put before his security cabinet a proposal to take complete control of the Gaza Strip – after 22 months of war that had failed to dismantle Hamas or achieve the return of all remaining Israeli hostages. There are 50 hostages still in captivity, of which 20 are believed alive, as Hamas and its ally, Palestine Islamic Jihad (PIJ), released video footage last week of two hostages in an emaciated state and in dark tunnels. Netanyahu’s plan triggered sharp reactions inside Israel, Washington, and in Arab and European capitals. Far from accepting the advice from the U.S. and other stakeholders to end the war, the Netanyahu plan, if implemented, presents global leaders with the potential for an open-ended conflict with little hope of resolution, drawing Iran and its allies, although weakened, back into a major regional conflagration.
Some experts and global officials saw the proposal as more symbolic than substantive. The Israeli Defense Forces (IDF) already controls more than 75 percent of Gaza. According to the United Nations, only 12 percent of Gaza is outside the Israeli militarized zone or areas not affected by IDF evacuation orders. Speaking to journalists, some regional officials and Gaza residents assessed Netanyahu’s proposal primarily as brinkmanship – intended to prompt Hamas to accept Israeli terms for a new ceasefire accord.
Even though they perceived the re-occupation plan might not be implemented, Trump’s foreign policy team immediately saw Netanyahu’s proposal as a threat to their geostrategic outlook. Since taking office in January, Trump’s team has sought to end the Gaza war in order to address other threats in the region and beyond, including resolving the Ukraine conflict and countering the pacing threat posed by China. U.S. officials assert that resolving the Gaza war is also essential to containing Iran and its Axis of Resistance coalition, the members of which have, to varying degrees, materially supported Hamas’ battle against the IDF since the October 7, 2023, Hamas attack. Trump’s team also assessed Netanyahu’s re-occupation plan as an impediment to alleviating the humanitarian crisis inside Gaza – a key focus of Trump officials in recent weeks.
Despite the widespread doubts, Netanyahu messaged his resolve to advance the re-occupation plan by scheduling a Tuesday meeting of his security cabinet to adopt the proposal. Officially, the meeting was being convened to “direct the IDF how to achieve the three war objectives we have set … defeating the enemy, releasing our hostages and ensuring that Gaza will never again threaten Israel,” according to a Monday statement released by Netanyahu’s office. Netanyahu’s team sought to build Israeli support for the plan by arguing that, by surrounding areas where hostages are believed to be held, such as Deir al-Balah and Muwasi, and entering the heart of Gaza City, Israeli forces would be able to rescue the remaining captives. However, critics noted that previous drives to rescue the hostages militarily have broadly failed. Of the 200 Israelis who have been freed since October 7, the overwhelming majority returned home in ceasefire and prisoner exchange deals, while only a handful were released as a result of IDF rescue missions. However, some right-wing members of Netanyahu’s governing coalition advocated the re-occupation plan to advance more sweeping goals, including setting the stage for re-establishing Jewish settlements or expelling the Palestinian population from the territory outright.
The announcement of the re-occupation plan instantly triggered controversy and opposition within Israel. Senior Israeli military officers and former senior commanders, reflecting the views of IDF Chief of Staff Eyal Zamir, warned that the plan would endanger the lives of the remaining Israeli hostages, risk further international isolation of Israel, and require Israeli soldiers to administer a population in which Hamas fighters were still active. The tensions between Netanyahu and the IDF leadership prompted speculation that the Prime Minister might dismiss Zamir, and the security cabinet meeting evolved into smaller meetings between Netanyahu, a few close confidants, and Zamir to review the military plan for re-occupation. The security cabinet meeting to formally adopt the plan was postponed until Thursday, amid reports that Zamir is recommending a more limited effort consisting primarily of selective raids into populated areas, combined with airstrikes.
As the debate among Israeli leaders intensified, top officials sought to mitigate the international and domestic backlash. Israel’s Defense Minister, Israel Katz, during a Tuesday visit to Gaza, explained the plan as less comprehensive than a long-term Israeli occupation, saying that Israel would maintain a permanent IDF presence in a “security buffer zone” in strategic areas of Gaza to prevent future attacks on Israeli communities and arms smuggling into the enclave. He added: “This is the main lesson of October 7…As in other sectors, here too the IDF must stand between the enemy and our communities – not only to fight the enemy, but to separate it from our civilians.” Still, Katz suggested he would implement the re-occupation effort if the government adopted it, saying: “Once the political leadership makes the necessary decisions, the military echelon, as it has done in all fronts of war so far, will professionally implement the determined policy.”
Israeli leaders also sought to prevent the re-occupation plan from compounding Israel’s isolation over the dire humanitarian situation in Gaza – a consequence of Israeli efforts to pressure Hamas by limiting the flow of food aid to Gaza. Israel called for a UN Security Council meeting, held on Tuesday, to discuss Hamas’ continued holding of Israeli hostages. Addressing reporters before the session, Israeli Foreign Minister Gideon Saar said: “I came here to put the issue of the hostages front and center on the world stage…They cannot be forgotten.” Nonetheless, there were no signs following the Security Council meeting that any global leaders would mute their criticism of Israel’s policies. The severity of the humanitarian crisis has led several members of the so-called “G-7” group of affluent powers, including Canada, the United Kingdom, and France, to threaten to recognize an independent State of Palestine unless Israel ended the Gaza war.
Still, Israeli leaders will weigh the U.S. reaction to the re-occupation plan far more heavily than the views of other outside stakeholders. An Israeli official said Monday that discussions with the Trump administration over the decision were ongoing, noting: “There is a growing understanding that Hamas is not interested in a deal.” Trump and his team avoided directly criticizing the re-occupation plan. Instead, they messaged their opposition by emphasizing a U.S. policy shift from seeking another temporary ceasefire to attempting to forge a permanent end to the war. Asked about the Netanyahu re-occupation proposal on Tuesday, Trump stated: “Well, I don’t know what the suggestion [for re-occupation of all of Gaza)] is,” but “it’s going to be pretty much up to Israel.” However, Trump emphasized U.S. efforts to increase the volume of humanitarian aid entering the Strip, saying, “I know that we are right there now, trying to get people fed.” On Saturday, Trump’s Middle East envoy, Steve Witkoff, told families of the Israeli hostages in Tel Aviv that his proposal for a temporary ceasefire and the return of about half of the 20 living Israeli hostages still held by Hamas in Gaza “doesn’t work and we’ve tried everything.” He added that Trump “now believes that everybody should come home at once. No piecemeal deals,” adding the administration was formulating a new “all or nothing” plan.
Witkoff and other mediators likely intend to use Netanyahu’s re-occupation threat as leverage over Hamas to advance the U.S.-led plan to end the war altogether. Mediators assess that if they can advance talks on a permanent conflict resolution, Netanyahu’s re-occupation plan will not be implemented. However, achieving a permanent end to the conflict will depend on Netanyahu adopting the views of U.S. officials and IDF leaders that there is little to be gained from expanding the IDF offensive to all of Gaza. U.S, IDF, and other leaders maintain Israel has already achieved its core military objectives in Gaza – eliminating Hamas’s ability to govern Gaza or launch military offensives against Israel. Witkoff and other U.S officials have not detailed their proposals for a permanent end to the conflict. Still, Washington has long argued the only viable long-term solution for Gaza is to reinstate rule there by the West Bank-based Palestinian Authority (PA). Netanyahu and his associates have, to date, resisted that advice. But, press reports indicate that the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia will support the U.S. position by rallying Western nations toward a new wave of international recognition for the PA, thereby pressuring Netanyahu to accept its return to Gaza. Last week, the Kingdom underlined its intent by signing a statement backed by fellow Arab powers and European nations calling for Hamas’ disarmament and for PA rule in Gaza. Whether Netanyahu’s government accepts the suggested roadmaps for postwar Gaza will likely depend on how much pressure the Trump team is willing to place on Netanyahu to end the conflict.
